Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is working to emerge from international isolation. After a failed Hungarian EU council presidency, during which the other EU member states largely disregarded his government, he is now finding common ground with the German Alternative for Germany (AfD) party. Following a meeting in Budapest on 12 February with AfD co-chair Alice Weidel, Orbán expressed his belief that the AfD represents the future of Germany, citing support for the party at around 20% in polls.
However, the purpose of this meeting remains unclear. Is it merely a gesture to say “hello, we are here too” or the start of potential cooperation between the AfD and other far-right parties in Europe?
In a joint press conference with Weidel, Orbán mentioned that many points in the AfD’s platform align with Hungary’s interests, particularly regarding migration and energy policy.
Orbán also expressed hope for a recovering German economy, noting that Budapest stands to benefit from it. Both leaders criticised the EU and expressed support for Russian views on the Ukraine war. Nonetheless, they do not see every issue eye to eye.
Weidel, despite being part of a party known for its homophobic policies, is in a same-sex relationship and is raising two adopted children with her partner. In contrast, Orbán has targeted the LGBTI community, promoting what the far-right refers to as a fight against “gender ideology.” His Child Protection Act has been labelled anti-LGBT and discriminatory, leading the European Commission to bring the case before the European Court of Justice (ECJ). In a remarkable move, 15 EU member states—Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Austria, Ireland, Denmark, Malta, Spain, Sweden, Finland, Slovenia, France, Germany, and Greece—supported the lawsuit as third parties.
When asked about the Hungarian government’s policies on family and gender during the joint press conference, Weidel refrained from providing a clear answer. She stated that for her, “family” refers to her relationship with her partner and emphasised that while she does not support gender ideology, she believes the state should not interfere in her personal life.
Does AfD try to flirt with Le Pen’s group again?
It is curious why two isolated leaders from opposite far-right camps decided to meet just days before the German federal election. This meeting naturally attracted media attention, but was that enough?
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) was rejected by Marine Le Pen‘s European group, Identity and Democracy, last May 2024. Relations between Le Pen and the German far-right party AfD entered a critical phase in January 2024 when a video revealed a secret far-right meeting in Potsdam. This meeting discussed the potential transfer of numerous “unassimilated German citizens” of foreign origin to North Africa. Le Pen expressed her outrage and threatened to dissolve the Identity and Democracy (ID) group in the European Parliament.
Despite German security authorities meticulously scrutinising the party, Le Pen passionately avoided a split before the European elections. In 2027, she plans to run as a candidate in the French presidential election for the fourth time, attempting to reshape her political image by distancing herself from the most extremist points of her platform. Her alliance with the AfD within the ID group posed a significant risk to her ambitions.
When Le Pen formed her Patriots for Europe (PfE) group with Austria’s Freedom Party (FPÖ), Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, and former Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, the AfD hoped to be included but was firmly excluded.
Consequently, the AfD formed another far-right group in the European Parliament that included some of the most extreme and fanatical parties from the European far-right spectrum. The AfD-led Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) brought together anti-Semites, neo-fascists, and irredentists from countries such as Poland, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, and Hungary.
On his part, Orbán sought to establish better partnerships and attempted to join Giorgia Meloni‘s European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group. However, his party’s membership was vehemently opposed by other ECR members due to Orbán’s pro-Russian stance. This forced him to ally with Le Pen despite not being his preferred option.
Interestingly, AfD leader Alice Weidel did not meet with her partner party in Hungary, the Our Homeland Movement (Mi Hazánk Mozgalom), which has accused Orbán of corruption. If they did meet, such an encounter was not made public.
So why did the meeting between the two far-right leaders occur? Is the AfD attempting to pave the way for future cooperation with the Patriots for Europe? Le Pen’s resistance to expanding the Patriots for Europe group to include the German party could weaken after 31 March. On that date, a verdict will be delivered on whether Le Pen will be ineligible to compete in elections, as she and two dozen other figures from her party, the National Rally, face accusations of embezzling millions of euros from the European Parliament.
Both the ECR and the Patriots currently lack representation from the country with the strongest economy in Europe.
