Thursday, February 22, the SYRIZA party opens its 4th Congress. A crucial one as a new president was elected last autumn, and the hard-line leftist tendency left the party. This Congress will discuss moving from the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL) in the European Parliament to the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&Ds).
The Congress will debate the proposal of three members of the party leadership, mainly Costas Zachariadis, Yannis Ragkousis and Thanasis Theocharopoulos, practically asking the party to decide on its political identity: Left or centre-left. The party’s new president, Stefanos Kasselakis, asked Congress to decide on such a crucial issue.
During the leadership of Alexis Tsipras, the former president and prime minister, the party moved towards centre-left positions, at least on social and economic themes. Tsipras enjoyed good relations with both the Socialists and the Greens.
A favourable decision of the Congress will help the new leadership to continue reforming the party structures. SYRIZA was the result of a broad coalition of left and leftist parties that included from leftist nationalists and neo-Stalinists to Maoists and Trotskyists. However, the massive adherence of former PASOK members and politicians gave the decisive push and enabled Syriza to win elections and form a government.
Nevertheless, the leftists never stopped preventing the party’s shift towards centre-left alliances. The leftists practically controlled party structures and blocked massive member recruitment. They agreed with specific authoritarian regimes and helped them when possible. Syriza had an “a la carte” approach concerning human rights, international politics or defence and security issues.
After the last split of the party, president Kasselakis has an opportunity to change his party. Leaving the declining and deeply divided Left group of the European Parliament and joining one of Europe’s most prominent political families is not of little importance. Such a movement will also increase the political appeal of the S&Ds.
The Party of European Socialists (PES) is represented by 141 members from 25 member states in the EU Parliament. Eight out of 27 heads of state and government in the European Council belong to PES parties, while eight out of 27 European Commissioners come from PES parties.
The Congress will decide if Syriza is considering moving away from leftist narratives and joining the European centre-left family.
However, this decision is more complex. Firstly, some members still identify with left Eurosceptics and embrace leftist rhetoric. Secondly, a significant political and cultural gap exists between the European socialist parties and Syriza. Although Syriza agrees with the S&Ds Group on most EU and member state-related political, economic, or social matters, there is a significant difference in views on international politics, particularly on human rights, the rule of law, defence and security.
In international politics, Syriza defended pro-Russian – and pro-China positions. Most of its members and supporters still express Cold War-like anti-US and anti-NATO sentiments and soft Euroscepticism.
No tears for Ukraine
Syriza never assumed a clear policy concerning the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, leading members of the Stalinist tendency, including former ministers, accused NATO of being responsible for the invasion.
The party opposed the government’s decision to send arms to Ukraine and adopted the Russian narrative about the neo-Nazi influences in the country.
However, the S&Ds strongly condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as an “illegal and unjustified aggression”, “standing with the courageous Ukrainian people in their fight for freedom, safety, democracy, and human rights”.
Support for Ukraine, humanitarian, financial, and military, is the priority of the Socialists. “We are unwavering in our support for Ukraine… Our commitment extends to helping rebuild Ukraine and advocating for its integration into the European Union”.
The Socialists urged the European Council “to take decisive action to increase the production, joint procurement and delivery of weapons and ammunition necessary for Ukraine. There cannot be Ukraine fatigue in Europe when not only the security of Ukraine but also the security of the entire European continent depends on Russia not winning this war”.
Will the Syriza Congress discuss the war in Ukraine and eventually align with the democratic parties of Europe?
Against the sanctions imposed on Russia?
Under Syriza, the Greek government initially hesitated to accept the EU sanctions imposed after the annexation of Crimea. Furthermore, in May 2016, Prime Minister Tsipras hosted Vladimir Putin in Athens to discuss economic cooperation between Greece and Russia. At that time, Tsipras openly stated that the EU-imposed sanctions on Russia in response to its actions in Ukraine had not yielded any positive results.
“We have repeatedly said that the vicious circle of militarisation, Cold War rhetoric, and sanctions is not productive. The solution is dialogue,” Tsipras said at a joint press conference with Putin. According to Tsipras, Greece’s decision to improve its relationship with Russia was a strategic choice.
Did the party review this position?
The Socialists recognise that Putin’s Russia represents an existential threat to the EU.
Even recently, on February 8, the European Parliament adopted a resolution, following a motion by the PPE, S&D, Renew, Verts/ALE, and ECR members, condemning continuous Russian efforts to undermine European democracy through various forms of interference and disinformation.
The resolution underlines that the Kremlin attempts to sow divisions between European citizens. It also recruits some MEPs as “influence agents”. It has created a dependent relationship with certain European political parties, including through funding, which then acts as amplifiers of Russian propaganda and serves Russia’s interest.
Moreover, after Alexei Navalny was declared dead by the Russian authorities, three leading members from the EPP, the S&Ds and the ECR, expressing the view of their Groups in a joint declaration, said, “Vladimir Putin is responsible for the tragic fate of Alexei Navalny. One month before the presidential elections, the regime is silencing any voice of opposition. This is beyond any doubt”.
The three MEPs called the Russian regime to shed light on the circumstances of his death and immediately free all political prisoners who risk their lives in Russian jails.
The new president of Syriza, Stefanos Kasselakis, posted on X the obvious.
“Appalled to learn the news of the death of 🇷🇺 opposition leader, Alexei Navalny, who gave his life fighting for democratic rights & against oppression. My most sincere condolences to his family & loved ones”.
However, the party organ Avghi wrote that Navalny was a “corrupted, failed and ultra-nationalist” politician. The article announced on the first page that it tried to demolish the political and moral stature of the Russian opposition leader.
What does this mean? That a gloomy Stalinist bureaucracy still exists and impacts the party.
Human Rights “a la carte”
Syriza also backed the Chinese regime of Xi Jinping.
In July 2016, the Greek government and Hungary’s Viktor Orbán prevented the EU from speaking out about the South China Sea issue. A year later, Greece blocked the EU from releasing a statement regarding the state of human rights in China.
Recently, during the new Palestinian crisis, the party seems to ignore the terrorist attack of Hamas, condemns Israel’s military response, and defends the Hamas-controlled Gaza territory.
It is needless to say that Syriza never said a word in favour of the persecuted Uyghurs in China, the democratic opposition in Hong Kong, the Tibetans, the Rohingya in Myanmar, or the persecution of colonised peoples in Russia.
However, the Socialists at the European Parliament condemned the regimes of the above countries and expressed their support for these oppressed nations on several occasions.
For the S&D Group, defending “human rights” cannot be “a la carte”. Will Syriza clarify its position in this Congress?
The love for the authoritarian regime of Maduro
Syriza expressed its admiration and support for the authoritarian regime of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela, ignoring its attacks against democratic institutions, the freedom of the press and the leaders of the democratic opposition.
Recently, the European Parliament strongly condemned the attacks on the opposition in Venezuela and the interference of the regime in the electoral process. The Parliament passed a resolution on February 8, with 446 votes in favour, 21 against, and 32 abstentions, stating that the Venezuelan Supreme Tribunal of Justice’s decision to disqualify María Corina Machado has no legal grounds and she remains eligible to run for the elections. The text also further condemned the attacks, forced disappearances, arrests, and arrest warrants against the opposition, civil society, human rights defenders, and journalists. Seven MEPs from the Left Group also voted in favour of the resolution.
Is NATO an enemy?
Anti-NATO rhetoric is traditional in the Syriza environment. However, Greece is a member of the Alliance, and a party aspiring to return to power should recognise this fact. And it should elaborate its foreign policy accordingly.
The S&Ds is crystal clear on this issue.
Thus, the party has a few months to clarify its political identity. It must also decide if it will be a European party aligned with the EU values and thus take a clear position concerning Ukraine, Russia’s threats, and human rights, among others. It must also decide if it stands with the rest of the EU member states in front of challenges that affect the security and defence of these states and their citizens.
